One seat was available for the Dorset Council Littlemoor and Preston ward and one seat for the Weymouth Town Council Preston ward, following the sudden death of Cllr Tony Ferrari in December last year. Cllr Ferrari had held the seats since 2019.
The results for the Dorset Council Littlemoor and Preston ward, with 30.79 per cent turnout, are as follows:
Steve Brown, Labour Party – 232 votes
Simon Clifford, Liberal Democrats – 833 votes
Peter Dickenson, Local Conservatives – 1237 votes
Therefore, Peter Dickenson is duly elected.
The results of the Weymouth Town Council Preston ward, with 39.64 per cent turnout, are as follows:
Steve Brown, Labour Party – 100 votes
Simon Clifford, Liberal Democrats – 610 votes
Joanna Dickenson, Local Conservatives – 959 votes
Therefore, Joanna Dickenson is duly elected.
Following the successful elections of Peter and Joanna Dickenson in the Littlemoor and Preston wards for Dorset and Weymouth council’s as the ‘Local Conservative’ candidates, on a turnout of less than a third and approximately 40%, respectively, the question that appears on many people’s lips is:
‘Why are they distancing themselves from the Conservatives at Westminster?’
Why the rebrand? Are they ashamed of their MP’s? Are they afraid that the public will tarnish them all with the same brush? Is this a strategy sent down from the Conservative central office to avoid a local wipeout? Are they being disingenuous and actually just wanting to con the public?
It appears that one question has become multiple questions.
If they are distancing themselves from their MP’s in Westminster, and this is not a ploy to con the electorate, then of course they have very good reasons.
As many understand, politics can be characterised by polarisation, but there is a consensus on one point: the country has just experienced one of the worst Conservative government’s ever, who have left the country with problems that may never be solved. The economy is stagnant, public services are under strain, and trust in politics is eroding. Even members of the Conservative Party acknowledge these issues. While global factors like the pandemic, the war in Ukraine, the genocide in Gaza, and shifts in interest rates have affected governments worldwide, the UK’s problems predate the pandemic.
We can trace it back to the coalition government in 2010, led by David Cameron, George Osborne, and Nick Clegg. Faced with a rapidly deteriorating economy following the collapse of the banks and the decision across many in Westminster to bail them out with taxpayers money, they made three key decisions: aggressively reduce the deficit, primarily through spending cuts (80%), and focus these cuts on benefits and services affecting less politically influential groups, i.e., those much less inclined to vote. This strategy, supported by the media and, by proxy, much of the public at the time, aimed to address the fear of a debt crisis spreading like a contagion.
However, the consequences were severe for less visible parts of the state. Departments like the Ministry of Justice and local governments faced substantial cuts, impacting services like social care and education. The poorest were disproportionately affected, with benefits reduced and the welfare state detached from assessments of need.
Initially successful politically, this strategy masked the hidden social problems arising from austerity. Food bank usage skyrocketed, overcrowded accommodations increased, and destitution among children became a pressing issue. The concentration of austerity on vulnerable groups strained public services like the police, schools, and healthcare.
The effects of this concentrated austerity became more apparent even before the pandemic. Police struggled with increased domestic abuse cases and mental health incidents, while schools took on additional responsibilities beyond education. Meanwhile, the public sector grappled with poor governance, exacerbated by Brexit-related political turmoil.
When the pandemic hit, the NHS, already struggling, became overwhelmed. Waiting lists grew, A&E wait times increased, and the health service faced unprecedented challenges. The government’s stubbornness in negotiating with doctors further compounded waiting list issues. The pandemic exposed the consequences of neglecting the public realm, with medical staff dealing not only with COVID-19 but also rising poverty, poor housing, and mental health problems.
Despite some achievements, like gay marriage and increased skilled immigration, the overall legacy of the Conservative government is seriously questioned. Debt is at its highest since the 1960s, and borrowing costs are rising. The public sector faces crises in numerous areas, including healthcare, criminal justice, housing, and social care. A lack of economic growth, recruitment crises, and interlinked problems create a very complex and challenging situation.
As the UK faces these challenges, the country is now experiencing deep concerns about the potential for extremism. The Conservative government, despite attempts to shift blame, is seen as one of the worst in history. With voters often led by the billionaire corporate media to vote to serve their ends, there are now very grave doubts as to whether the UK will be anything more than the puppet of extremely rich people.
By rebranding, the Conservatives are seemingly attempting to postpone the inevitable. With international tensions growing exponentially, one also wonders how long anyone will have the chance to care.
Update:
Peter Dickenson cannot take up his position as he failed to declare he was a Dorset Council employee. Thus, as mirrored by Westminster, the ‘Local Conservatives’ replicate their absolute incompetence. Or was it a ploy?
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