Lucy Connolly, the Northampton childminder jailed for inciting racial hatred in the wake of the Southport murders, has been quietly released after serving just nine months of a 31-month sentence. Her case lays bare the ugly truth of Britain’s two-tier justice system: white offenders with political connections can expect leniency, while Black and brown people who commit lesser acts face far harsher consequences.
Connolly, the wife of Conservative councillor Raymond Connolly, was jailed last October after she admitted posting “threatening or abusive” material online. In response to the tragic killing of three young girls in Southport, she wrote:
“Mass deportation now, set fire to all the f****** hotels full of the bastards for all I care… if that makes me racist so be it.”
The post, viewed over 310,000 times in a matter of hours, openly called for arson attacks on asylum seekers’ accommodation. It was shared at a time when false rumours were being spread that the killer was an asylum seeker. In fact, the perpetrator was a British-born teenager, Axel Rudakubana.
Despite the sheer gravity of her words, inciting mob violence in a febrile climate where riots and hate crimes were already flaring, Connolly has been portrayed by sections of the right-wing press and political establishment as a victim. Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch even argued her punishment was harsher than for those who “threw bricks at police” during the unrest, claiming she was criminalised merely for exercising free speech.
Meanwhile, Rupert Lowe, a former Reform MP, went so far as to brand her a “political prisoner.”
But let’s be honest: would a Black or Asian man who called for hotels to be “set on fire”, regardless of context, have walked free after nine months? Would s/he be given sympathetic coverage, painted as a victim of censorship, and championed by prominent politicians from right-wing parties? The answer is obvious.
Time and again, we see how racial privilege operates in the justice system. Black teenagers jailed for minor offences receive no sympathy, no press campaigns, and no political interventions. Muslim men accused of “radicalising” others through words alone face long sentences under terrorism laws. Yet Connolly, a white woman linked to the Conservative Party, is released early and defended by senior politicians as if she were some kind of martyr.
Her release underlines a glaring truth: inciting violence is treated very differently depending on who you are. When minorities are accused, they are demonised, prosecuted aggressively, and often held up as existential threats to “British values.” When it’s a white Conservative’s wife, the establishment closes ranks, framing her as a victim of overreach and rushing to protect her reputation.
The justice system cannot be said to serve the public equally when political connections and skin colour determine outcomes. Connolly’s words could have fuelled real-world violence against already vulnerable asylum seekers. That she has not only walked free but been championed by politicians is a damning indictment of the hypocrisy at the heart of Britain’s so-called rule of law.
Until all people are treated the same under the law — regardless of race, religion or political ties — Britain cannot claim to be a fair or just society.
Just Look At The Data: Institutional Racism Rots The Criminal Justice System To The Core
Policing & Stop-and-Search
- Stop-and-Search Disparities
- Black individuals were 9.5 times more likely than White individuals to be stopped and searched in 2018/19 UK Parliament Committees GOV.UK.
- From 2009–10 to 2018–19, despite overall declines in stop and search, BAME groups consistently had rates higher than average. In some regions like Dorset, Black individuals were 25 times more likely to be searched than White individuals GOV.UK.
- A 2024 report shows for 2022–23:
- Stop-and-search rate per 1,000 people: Black – 24.5 vs. White – 5.9 Wikipedia.
Arrest Rates & Use of Force
- Arrest Disparities
- Black people were 2.4 times more likely to be arrested than White people during the year ending March 2022—21 vs. 9 arrests per 1,000 population HMICFRS.
- Use of Force & Police Power
- In 2018/19, Black people were over 5 times more likely to experience use of force than White people, and nearly 8 times more likely to be tasered UK Parliament Committees.
- Public Confidence
- A 2020 poll found that 85% of Black people in the UK lack confidence that they would be treated equally by police. This was even higher among Black women (91%) compared to Black men (77%) UK Parliament.
Courts, Charging, Sentencing & Pleas
- Conviction Rates & Plea Patterns
- In 2019, conviction rates were higher for White defendants (85%) than BAME defendants (79%) House of Commons Library.
- White defendants were more likely to plead guilty earlier, receiving up to a one-third reduction in sentence length—a factor contributing to disparities House of Commons Library.
- Custodial Sentence Lengths (ACSL)
- In 2019, average custodial sentence length was 27.1 months for BAME offenders vs. 19.5 months for White offenders House of Commons Library.
- From 2016 to 2020, 2020 data shows:
- White offenders: ACSL of 19.6 months
- Asian offenders: 28.6 months (+46%)
- Black offenders: 26.8 months (+37%) GOV.UK.
Prisons & Youth Justice
- Prison Population Overrepresentation
- BAME individuals make up 13% of the general population but 27% of the prison population Wikipedia.
- Young Offenders
- In young offender institutions, 51% of boys were from BAME backgrounds (according to the Lammy Review), compared to around 17% of the overall population The Guardian.
Specific Disparities in Youth Criminalisation
- Criminalisation & Diversion
- Black children arrested in London (2015–22 study) were 15% more likely to be criminalised—less likely to be offered diversionary programmes—even for similar offences The Guardian.
Institutional Structures & Representation
- Judicial & Police Staff Diversity
- In 2019, only 7.4% of judges and 7.3% of police officers were from BME backgrounds Institute of Race Relations.
- Bias within Legal Professionals
- A survey of 373 legal professionals indicated that 56% witnessed racially biased behavior by judges and 52% observed discrimination in judicial decision-making, primarily against Black and Asian individuals Institute of Race Relations.
- Career Disparities for BME Staff
- Black officers were 81% more likely to face disciplinary action, and new ethnic recruits were over 120% more likely to be deemed “unsuitable for policing” compared to their White counterparts Institute of Race Relations.
Summing It Up: Institutional Racism in the UK Criminal Justice System
- Policing: Black people face disproportionately higher rates in stop-and-search, arrests, physical force, and taser usage.
- Courts and Sentencing: BAME defendants receive longer sentences, face different plea dynamics, and are criminalised more frequently even when offense types match.
- Incarceration: BAME people, especially youth, are significantly overrepresented in prison populations.
- Institutional Dynamics: Legal and law enforcement institutions remain predominantly White, with evidence of systemic bias and underrepresentation of BME professionals.
These patterns point to a system where racial disparities emerge at multiple junctures—from street-level policing to courtroom outcomes and representation in justice institutions. The cumulative effect supports the argument for institutional racism.
The fact is that if Lucy Connolly were non-white, she would almost certainly still be in prison. If Lucy Connolly were working class with no establishment support, she would still be in prison. Unless one has money, power and influence, they generally rot.
