They have their own agendas:

The Sun – Tory

The Daily Mail – Tory

The Mail on Sunday – Tory

The Daily Express – Tory

The Sunday Express – Tory

The Daily Telegraph – Tory

The Sunday Telegraph – Tory

The Times – Tory

The Sunday Times – Tory

The Evening Standard – Tory

The BBC Chairman – Tory

The BBC Director General – Tory

The BBC – Tory

GB News – The Reform UK Party

The Mirror- Centrist Labour Party

The Guardian – Centrist Labour Party

The corporate legacy media are not your friends

The UK’s corporate legacy media, comprising long-established newspapers, television networks, and digital outlets, plays a significant role in shaping public opinion and political discourse. Despite a professed commitment to impartiality, there is a prevailing conservative bias evident in much of this media. This bias influences coverage of political events, policy discussions, and the framing of socio-economic issues. The conservative slant is not uniform across all outlets but is discernible through the editorial choices, selective reporting, and the representation of certain narratives that favour right-wing ideologies.

One of the clearest indicators of conservative bias in UK media is found in the ownership structure of major news organisations. Media moguls such as Rupert Murdoch, whose News UK owns The Times and The Sun, have been influential in shaping editorial policies that align with conservative viewpoints. The Sun, for example, has a long history of endorsing the Conservative Party in general elections, with headlines such as “It’s The Sun Wot Won It” following the 1992 election victory of John Major, which highlighted the paper’s perceived role in swaying public opinion against the Labour Party.

This alignment is not limited to Murdoch-owned publications. The Telegraph, traditionally associated with the Conservative Party, frequently runs stories that support conservative policies and critique opposition parties. The paper’s coverage of Brexit is a pertinent example. During the 2016 referendum, The Telegraph consistently presented pro-Brexit arguments, emphasising issues of sovereignty and immigration while downplaying economic risks. This selective emphasis mirrored the Conservative Party’s narrative and contributed to shaping public perceptions of the referendum’s stakes.

Moreover, the BBC, often perceived as a bastion of neutrality, has faced criticism for displaying a subtle conservative bias. Research by the Media Reform Coalition in 2018 highlighted that the BBC gave disproportionate coverage to pro-Brexit voices compared to Remain voices in the lead-up to the EU referendum. The study found that Conservative and UKIP politicians received the majority of airtime, while Labour politicians, particularly those advocating for a Remain position, were underrepresented. This imbalance in coverage is significant given the BBC’s broad reach and its role as a publicly funded broadcaster expected to maintain strict impartiality.

The conservative bias in the UK media is also evident in the framing of socio-economic issues. Coverage of welfare and austerity policies, particularly during the Conservative-led governments post-2010, has often reflected a narrative that supports austerity measures and portrays welfare recipients in a negative light. A study by the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) found that newspapers such as the Daily Mail and The Sun frequently used pejorative terms like “scroungers” and “skivers” to describe benefit claimants, framing welfare recipients as a burden on the state rather than individuals in need of support. This framing aligns with the Conservative Party’s rhetoric around welfare reform and has likely contributed to public support for austerity measures that have had widespread social consequences.

Further, the media’s portrayal of Labour leaders and policies also reflects a conservative bias. Jeremy Corbyn, during his tenure as Labour leader, was subject to intense scrutiny and negative coverage. A study by the LSE in 2016 found that 75% of press coverage misrepresented Corbyn’s views or presented him in a negative light. This included personal attacks, exaggerated claims about his policies, and a focus on internal party disputes rather than policy discussions. The media’s hostile treatment of Corbyn was not limited to right-leaning outlets; even ostensibly neutral or left-leaning publications like The Guardian often adopted a critical stance. This pervasive negativity can be contrasted with the more favourable or at least less critical coverage afforded to Conservative leaders, indicating a bias that extends beyond explicit endorsements.

The conservative bias of UK media is also evident in the coverage of issues related to immigration and multiculturalism. The portrayal of migrants, particularly during the height of the refugee crisis in 2015, was often skewed towards a negative framing. Newspapers like The Daily Express and The Sun ran stories that portrayed refugees and migrants as a threat to social stability and public resources, reinforcing the Conservative Party’s tough stance on immigration. The use of dehumanising language, such as “swarms” or “waves” to describe groups of migrants, created a climate of fear and suspicion that the Conservative government capitalised on with stricter immigration policies and rhetoric.

The influence of corporate interests in media bias cannot be overlooked. Large media conglomerates often have financial interests that align more closely with conservative economic policies, such as deregulation, tax cuts for businesses, and privatisation. These interests can subtly influence editorial choices, pushing for narratives that favour a free-market approach and criticising policies that are seen as interventionist or socialist. This economic bias often translates into a broader conservative editorial stance, where issues like trade unions, public ownership, and social welfare are reported on negatively or with scepticism.

Additionally, the practice of “astroturfing” — the creation of seemingly grassroots movements or campaigns that are actually backed by corporate or political interests — is another tool used by conservative media to shape public discourse. For example, the TaxPayers’ Alliance, which frequently features in media discussions on public spending, is presented as a grassroots organisation but is known to have ties to right-wing think tanks and donors. By giving platforms to such organisations, the media perpetuates a conservative agenda under the guise of representing ordinary citizens’ concerns.

The conservative bias in the UK media has implications for democratic discourse. It can lead to a narrowing of the spectrum of debate, where certain viewpoints, particularly those critical of capitalism or advocating for significant social change, are marginalised or misrepresented. This skewing of public discourse not only affects election outcomes but also shapes public attitudes towards key issues such as climate change, healthcare, and education.

For example, the media’s treatment of climate change has historically downplayed the urgency of the crisis, often giving equal weight to climate sceptics despite the overwhelming scientific consensus on the issue. This has aligned with the Conservative Party’s often lukewarm approach to environmental regulation, allowing policies that favour business interests over environmental protection to be framed as reasonable compromises. The portrayal of climate activists, such as the Extinction Rebellion, has also been largely negative, focusing on their disruption tactics rather than the substance of their message. This has contributed to a perception of climate activism as extreme or unreasonable, which in turn influences public support for ambitious climate policies.

In recent years, the rise of digital and alternative media has begun to challenge the conservative dominance of the corporate legacy media. Platforms such as Novara Media and The Canary offer left-leaning perspectives that are often absent from mainstream outlets. However, these platforms lack the reach and resources of their traditional counterparts, and their influence is limited in comparison. Moreover, they are often dismissed by the mainstream media as partisan or fringe, further entrenching the dominance of conservative narratives.

The conservative bias in the UK media is not solely a result of direct political affiliations or endorsements. It is also perpetuated through more subtle mechanisms, such as the selection of news topics, framing of issues, and even the language used in reporting. The dominance of conservative perspectives in the media contributes to a political environment where right-wing policies and ideologies are normalised, while alternative viewpoints are sidelined or discredited.

The conservative bias of the UK’s corporate legacy media is evident in its ownership structures, editorial choices, and representation of political and socio-economic issues. This bias shapes public perceptions and influences political discourse in ways that favour right-wing ideologies. While there are exceptions and variations among different outlets, the overall trend is towards a media landscape that reinforces conservative narratives. This has significant implications for democratic engagement and the range of perspectives represented in public debate, ultimately affecting policy outcomes and the political climate of the country.

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